David Waldrip, along with a colleague from the Association, attended Thursday nights meeting of the executive committee of the Shelby County Democratic Party at the IBEW union building on Madison Avenue, to plead the case against Brooks, whom he described as an opponent of the right to keep and bear arms.
Waldrip then said he hopes to be able to recruit an opponent for Brooks from among the ranks of local Democrats.
To the mounting amusement of other committee members, the following dialogue then ensued between Waldrip and Bill Larsha, an executive committee member:
Larsha: You folks are Republicans, arent you?
Waldrip: Were bipartisan.
Larsha: You give a lot of money in the way of contributions, dont you?
Waldrip: We do make a lot of contributions, yes.
Larhsa: Well, were open.
In fact, Democrats as a rule have not been as open to appeals from Second Amendment groups as have Republicans, but that may change Ð especially as some Democrats are quite aware (as former state party chairman Doug Horne pointed out in his farewell message earlier this year) that active or passive support for gun control hurt party candidates in Tennessee from Al Gore on down.
In fact, also, an opponent for Brooks may already exist in the person of one Damita Swearengen, member of a locally prominent African-American family, though Brooks position on firearms has not figured as a reason.
Brooks won her seat in 1992 from former Representative Alvin King, who had alienated some of his base by his support of former Mayor Dick Hackett against then challenger (and now mayor) Willie Herenton in the 1991 Memphis mayors race.
From the time Brooks entered the legislature, she seemed oblivious to the go-along-to-get-along protocols that have long governed relationships in the General Assembly. She took revisionist positions on a number of matters, ranging from policy questions to the way in which female members should be addressed. (Almost unnoticed during her tenure, the form of address has metamorphosized from Lady.So-and-so to Representative So-and-So.) Last spring, she got on the wrong side of House Speaker Jimmy Naifeh (and much of the public) when she conspicuously declined to rise during the chambers daily morning recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance.
And she may now have run afoul of the head of the other legislative body, Lt. Governor John Wilder (D-Somerville), who presides over the Senate. A witness on behalf of her resolution to study compensation for victims of slavery made accusations this week against Wilders family, alleging to a House committee that the Wilders of Fayette County had stolen land from blacks well over a century ago, a circumstance allegedly resulting in the Senate Speakers wealth today.
In all fairness, there is no evidence yet that Brooks has associated herself with such accusations, but frontal assaults of that sort are characteristic of her. As one local wag has put it, Henri was so dedicated to being a legislator and making sweeping changes that she skipped charm school altogether.
What has failed to endear her to the gun lobby, of course, is her continued sponsorship of a measure to mandate the equipping of handguns with safety devices and lock combinations that would prevent anyone but the firearm's owner from using it.
"Obviously, if you have to deal with an unexpected intruder, you would see a crucial delay in your reaction time," says Waldrip, who now waits to see what the reaction is to his invitation for someone to become a challenger to Rep. Brooks.
David Waldrip, along with a colleague from the Association, attended Thursday nights meeting of the executive committee of the Shelby County Democratic Party at the IBEW union building on Madison Avenue, to plead the case against Brooks, whom he described as an opponent of the right to keep and bear arms.
Waldrip then said he hopes to be able to recruit an opponent for Brooks from among the ranks of local Democrats.
To the mounting amusement of other committee members, the following dialogue then ensued between Waldrip and Bill Larsha, an executive committee member:
Larsha: You folks are Republicans, arent you?
Waldrip: Were bipartisan.
Larsha: You give a lot of money in the way of contributions, dont you?
Waldrip: We do make a lot of contributions, yes.
Larhsa: Well, were open.
In fact, Democrats as a rule have not been as open to appeals from Second Amendment groups as have Republicans, but that may change Ð especially as some Democrats are quite aware (as former state party chairman Doug Horne pointed out in his farewell message earlier this year) that active or passive support for gun control hurt party candidates in Tennessee from Al Gore on down.
In fact, also, an opponent for Brooks may already exist in the person of one Damita Swearengen, member of a locally prominent African-American family, though Brooks position on firearms has not figured as a reason.
Brooks won her seat in 1992 from former Representative Alvin King, who had alienated some of his base by his support of former Mayor Dick Hackett against then challenger (and now mayor) Willie Herenton in the 1991 Memphis mayors race.
From the time Brooks entered the legislature, she seemed oblivious to the go-along-to-get-along protocols that have long governed relationships in the General Assembly. She took revisionist positions on a number of matters, ranging from policy questions to the way in which female members should be addressed. (Almost unnoticed during her tenure, the form of address has metamorphosized from Lady.So-and-so to Representative So-and-So.) Last spring, she got on the wrong side of House Speaker Jimmy Naifeh (and much of the public) when she conspicuously declined to rise during the chambers daily morning recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance.
And she may now have run afoul of the head of the other legislative body, Lt. Governor John Wilder (D-Somerville), who presides over the Senate. A witness on behalf of her resolution to study compensation for victims of slavery made accusations this week against Wilders family, alleging to a House committee that the Wilders of Fayette County had stolen land from blacks well over a century ago, a circumstance allegedly resulting in the Senate Speakers wealth today.
In all fairness, there is no evidence yet that Brooks has associated herself with such accusations, but frontal assaults of that sort are characteristic of her. As one local wag has put it, Henri was so dedicated to being a legislator and making sweeping changes that she skipped charm school altogether.
What has failed to endear her to the gun lobby, of course, is her continued sponsorship of a measure to mandate the equipping of handguns with safety devices and lock combinations that would prevent anyone but the firearm's owner from using it.
"Obviously, if you have to deal with an unexpected intruder, you would see a crucial delay in your reaction time," says Waldrip, who now waits to see what the reaction is to his invitation for someone to become a challenger to Rep. Brooks.
Recalling the difficulties which her former boss, Governor Don Sundquist, has experienced with the General Assembly. Walters recalled, shaking her head mournfully, I saw what that did to him. He didnt know how to deal with that legislature. She went on to declare that the members of the legislature had become so distrustful in these fractious, fiscally challenged times that only someone with legislative experience is capable of reaching them.
The someone she had in mind, of course, was Womack, the former state senator from Murfreesboro, who hails from a family of educators and was known in the General Assembly as an advocate for educational causes. Womack gladly embraces the support of educators in his current campaign for governor and said at Walters event that hed be happy to be represented to the public by the people gathered in her cramped living room.
The fact is, however, that the genial Vietnam War vet lacks either the judgmentalism that is so often the occupational vice of professional educators (and their detractors) or the desire, on this or other issues, to be confined to the narrow precincts of the permanently wise.
On the former score, Womack has declined to follow the lead of two other Democratic candidates in their attacks on the perceived party frontrunner, former Nashville Mayor Phil Bredesen; on the latter, he made it clear in Memphis, as he has elsewhere, that his outlook is increasingly moving beyond purely educational issues to encompass larger economic ones.
Womack is especially concerned, as he had said earlier at a luncheon meeting held in the working-class Frayser area of Memphis, that the state is not only losing quality jobs but that the replacement jobs, when and if these come, are less well-paying and have a more meager economic impact on the host community.
We dont have time for a vision thats three or five years long, Womack said at Walters townhouse concerning the need for action on the economic front. He stressed the need to provide support for existing industry and small business in addition to the standard preoccupations of attracting large new industries to Tennessee.
Similarly, he had noted at the luncheon meeting that, pending the development of sweeping new approaches to revenue at a time when the legislature is resistant to tax reform, there are ways of achieving results within existing formats. Teacher pay raises, for example, could be partly achieved in a de facto way by exempting teachers from contributions to their own pension funds-- a consideration already granted state employees.
As for Womacks own financial future, he professed optimism Thursday that, when the first candidate financial disclosures are called for in January, the record will show his receipts to be far and above those of Knoxville District Attorney Randy Nichols and former Education Commissioner Charles Smith. He expects to be the survivor of an informal round robin among the three candidates to determine who will become the foremost primary challenger to Bredesen.
How much will that take in the primary? Two million dollars, Andy Womack says, and he promises to have it.
He has put his money where his mouth is in at least one visible way, establishing the first gubernatorial field office in Shelby County with a paid staffer, the energetic and capable Jeff Sullivan, who had previously toiled in the now abandoned campaign for Shelby County mayor of Womacks former colleague, State Senator Jim Kyle of Memphis. When Kyle, facing strong opposition and the annual General Assembly curtailment of fundraising, dropped out, Sullivan shopped himself around. Womack was the only candidate able (or willing) to punch his ticket.
After virtually every big name in the GOP has so far turned down chairman Alan Crone and his local helpers, their last hopes are being invested in state Representative Larry Scroggs of Germantown, who has so far proved receptive to the blandishments of Crone and company.
If Scroggs says no, the party nominee is likely to be radio magnate/radiologist George Flinn, who has been trying hard to get party sanction for a run.
Scroggs, who is heavily involved in pending TennCare legislation and journeyed to Nashville this week for a committee meeting on the state-run insurance system, is faced with a situation superficially similar to that of state Representative Carol Chumney, who is running for county mayor in the Democratic primary. But his choices are more limited than hers.
Chumney is in a position to hazard her mayoral race while preserving her options to run for reelection to her House seat. The deadline for filing a petition at the Election Commission to run for the state legislature is April 4th. The primary date for the mayoral and other local county races is May 7th. There is no reason why Chumney could not, for that intervening month, be an official candidate for both positions. (Serving in both positions would be another matter!)
If the Midtown legislator should lose her mayoral bid in a primary race that currently includes such stout opponents as Bartlett banker Harold Byrd and Shelby County Public Defender A C Wharton, she could shift into a legislative reelection race without too much loss of momentum.
Scroggs would not have such an option. The very premise of his possible candidacy is that, as a candidate, he would have such support -- organizational and financial -- from the local Republican establishment as to virtually guarantee his victory in the GOP primary. That's the good news for Scroggs. The bad news is that he would, ipso facto, have to give up his legislative race.
Since victory, to say the least, would by no means be certain over the Democratic mayoral nominee, lawyer Scroggs might find himself in the position of having to sacrifice a public career he began fairly late in life and for which he has already garnered considerable respect.
"I'm serious about running, but I have to be very sure that's what I want to do before I make a commitment," said Scroggs, who promised a decision on the mayor's race by the weekend.
Another factor in Scroggs' decision is that he can't count on an exit from Flinn, who insisted this week that he intends to run whatever Scroggs or any other potential Republican candidate with establishment backing might do.
Flinn wouldn't be doing it totally by the seat of his pants (the pockets of which, it should be said, are well stuffed with money earned either from the ultrasound pioneer's patents or from the proceeds of his several Memphis-area radio stations). He'll have help from former legislator and county commissioner Ed Williams, a veteran of Republican politics who is serving just now in the more or less informal and honorific post of Shelby County historian.
* Several Republican conservatives still haven't given up on persuading former U.S. Attorney Hickman Ewing Jr., now back in Shelby County after years of serving in Arkansas as an aide to Whitewater prosecutor Ken Starr, to run as a Republican candidate for county mayor.
* Even as Wharton was staging his long-awaited first public fund-raiser last Thursday night at the Racquet Club, he was welcoming at least one high-profile defector from Byrd's campaign.
This was the Rev. Billy Samuel Kyles of Monumental Baptist Church, an influential African-American cleric known from his friendship with the late Dr. Martin Luther King. Kyles was prominent in earlier stages of the current mayoral campaign as a listed supporter and co-sponsor of Byrd's campaign.
"There's another one coming right around the bend," claimed a supporter of Wharton's about the likelihood of another prominent black defection.
Byrd took the loss in stride. "I know there are going to be people who come under pressure to make some kind of change. I expect, in fact, there'll be some back-and-forth here and there between now and election day. I'm happy with the support I have, which is increasing -- not decreasing -- in both the African-American and the white communities."
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| Maxine Smith |
And Byrd got two more backers from the African-American community: the Revs. Kenneth Whalum Jr. and Sr., the former of whom endorsed Byrd from the pulpit of Olivet Baptist church.
* Wharton's fund-raiser was a well-attended affair, which his backers said raised something in the $300,000 range.
The business support on hand proved reasonably wide and impressive (including well-known Republican consultant Mike Carpenter, who was there, he said, in his role as director of the state Association of Builders and Contractors).
Among the Democratic supporters present were state Senator Steve Cohen, former Democratic chairman David Cocke, and members of the political Hooks and Bailey families.
TV judge Joe Brown, clad in baseball cap and leather jacket, introduced Wharton, who spoke with his usual smooth aplomb.
Best line of the evening was from Shelby County Commissioner Walter Bailey, the stoutest governmental opponent last spring of the commision/city council package that added public money to the NBA Grizzlies' kitty to attract them here.
Said Bailey, after admitting he'd attended three Grizzlies games: "I rooted for them all three times, just as I'm rooting for Duncan Ragsdale to beat 'em in court."
* Mayoral candidate Chumney pulled off something of a coup recently, getting the formal endorsement of the Memphis/Shelby County Women's Political Caucus. She continues to run hard, so far with a series of neighborhood gatherings rather than the high-profile public affairs of Wharton and Byrd (who had a fund-raiser scheduled this week at the home of lawyer Leslie Ballin).
* Shelby County Republicans may have had a hard time coming up with a candidate for county mayor. They've had little trouble finding people willing to run for sheriff. Mark Luttrell, director of the county Corrections Division, swelled the ranks of GOP candidates to four this week with a formal announcement Tuesday at the Ridgeway Inn on Poplar.
Luttrell made it clear he intends to feature the county-jail mess in his campaign. Pointing out that Shelby County had spent almost $5 million in the last decade in various legal expenses stemming from suits and judicial judgments concerning the jail, Luttrell said it was clear that the federal judiciary, members of which have levied a number of court orders against the county and mandated outside consultants for the jail, "don't trust the people running the department."
Other Republicans running for sheriff are Don Wright, the current chief deputy, whom Luttrell called "the de facto mayor," and departmental administrators Bobby Simmons and Mike Jewell (each of whom is running as an outsider within the department).
If Scroggs says no, the party nominee is likely to be radio magnate/radiologist George Flinn, who has been trying hard to get party sanction for a run.
Wharton's business support proved reasonably wide and impressive (including well-known Republican consultant Mike Carpenter, who was there, however, in his role as director of the state Association of Builders and Contractors), and Democrat Wharton's receipts were being estimated by his main men as being in the $300,000 range.
There were few real surprises among those present, however, especially among the pols who turned up -- most of whom (e.g., State Senator Steve Cohen, former Dem chairman David Cocke, assorted members of the Hooks family)-- had been ID'd previously as Wharton supporters.
TV judge Joe Brown, clad in baseball cap and leather jacket, introduced Wharton, who spoke with his usual smooth aplomb.
Best line of the evening was from Shelby County Commissioner Walter Bailey, the stoutest governmental opponent last spring of the commision-city council package that added public money to the NBA Grizzlies' kitty to attract them here.
Said Bailey, after admitting he'd attended three Grizzly games: "I rooted for them all three times, just as I'm rooting for Duncan Ragsdale to beat 'em in court."
(Lawyer Ragsdale has appeal litigation pending challenging the Grizzlies' deal.)
If Scroggs says no, the party nominee is likely to be radio magnate/radiologist George Flinn, who has been trying hard to get party sanction for a run.
Wharton's business support proved reasonably wide and impressive (including well-known Republican consultant Mike Carpenter, who was there, however, in his role as director of the state Association of Builders and Contractors), and Democrat Wharton's receipts were being estimated by his main men as being in the $300,000 range.
There were few real surprises among those present, however, especially among the pols who turned up -- most of whom (e.g., State Senator Steve Cohen, former Dem chairman David Cocke, assorted members of the Hooks family)-- had been ID'd previously as Wharton supporters.
TV judge Joe Brown, clad in baseball cap and leather jacket, introduced Wharton, who spoke with his usual smooth aplomb.
Best line of the evening was from Shelby County Commissioner Walter Bailey, the stoutest governmental opponent last spring of the commision-city council package that added public money to the NBA Grizzlies' kitty to attract them here.
Said Bailey, after admitting he'd attended three Grizzly games: "I rooted for them all three times, just as I'm rooting for Duncan Ragsdale to beat 'em in court."
(Lawyer Ragsdale has appeal litigation pending challenging the Grizzlies' deal.)