The newly elected chairman of the Shelby County Republican Party, businessman Kemp Conrad, let it be known after his overwhelming election at Sunday's local GOP convention that he intended for the party to take an active role in endorsing candidates in this year's forthcoming -- and formally non-partisan -- city elections.
"I certainly lean that way, but, of course, it's up to the steering committee," said Conrad, whose hand-picked slate of candidates for the steering committee had, with minor exceptions, been elected along with him Sunday. Conrad's victory was by a vote of 338 to 72 over contractor Jerry Cobb, who indicated he would present to the state Republican Party a challenge to the party credentials of some of Conrad's delegates.
But the number of those named in Cobb's long-shot challenge -- well under 100 -- could hardly affect the result, and, as Conrad noted, his victory margin would have been even greater if a number of other delegates pledged to him had not been kept from attending the convention by bad weather.
Conrad cited current city councilman Brent Taylor, elected in 1995 after receiving official GOP backing, in support of the efficacy of endorsements. "He wouldn't have been elected without the party's support," said Conrad.
Brent Taylor was the victor eight years ago in a runoff against Scott McCormick, a prospective opponent this year for at-large council member Pat VanderSchaaf, who said Sunday she had the backing of George Flinn, the 2002 Republican nominee for county mayor, who had considered a race for her seat. "He's also behind my proposal for The Pyramid," said VanderSchaaf, who wants to relocate the University of Memphis Law School in the facility once the university's basketball Tigers, as anticipated, move their games to the new FedEx Forum.
Flinn, who at one time had indicated he might have privatization plans for The Pyramid, said Sunday he was unlikely to pursue them. As for his political plans, he indicated he was still mulling over a race for the council seat now held by John Vergos, who has not yet decided whether to seek reelection.
Conrad promised to continue the minority outreach effort he oversaw as head of an ad hoc Republican committee during the last year. If the Republican Party could not attract more blacks and Hispanic members, said Conrad, "we might have an organization, but we won't win elections."
Shelby County school board president David Pickler, long regarded as one of the area's more accomplished political presences (how else could he have gotten the board's bylaws changed to become its virtual permanent president?), took the dais at Sunday's GOP convention to deliver an impassioned nominating speech for losing chairmanship candidate Cobb.
Pickler's speech was notable not so much for what it said about Cobb -- an opponent, like Pickler, of school consolidation -- but for its broadside against Conrad, who was at that point clearly destined to be a winner. Noting that Conrad had written an op-ed piece for The Commercial Appeal two years ago in favor of consolidation, Pickler said he couldn't support a chairman or belong to a party that favored consolidation.
The issue may be moot, since Conrad, after his election, announced from the dais that A) he regarded consolidation as a question to be resolved locally (which, in a sense, states the obvious); and B) he would distance himself from the issue as chairman. And both Conrad and Pickler, who said he spoke out so bluntly Sunday to see if he could get Conrad to make a public renunciation of consolidation, resolved to keep lines of communication open.
The new chairman did, however, observe pointedly of Pickler's action, "That was a strange way to spend political capital."
John Willingham, the GOP member of the Shelby County Commission who recently underwent emergency multiple-bypass heart surgery, returned to action at Monday's commission meeting and cast the deciding vote in favor of a $l75,000 renovation of commission quarters. The 7-6 vote for the renovation, which would create independent offices for the commissioners, otherwise went along strict party lines, with Democrats for the expenditure and Republicans against it.
"John had to vote that way because he's running out of people to share office space with," quipped fellow Republican commissioner Bruce Thompson afterward. Willingham, who was elected last year, had initially been assigned to share a cubicle with Linda Rendtorff, who had been opposed unsuccessfully in the 2002 GOP primary by Willingham's daughter, Karla Templeton.
Willingham, who had a good laugh at Thompson's joke, said Monday he had declined the office arrangement with Rendtorff on grounds of potential awkwardness. Before going into the hospital, he had shared space with Tom Moss but when he returned found that Moss was now in a cubicle with Marilyn Loeffel, while he had been billeted with Joyce Avery.
"I guess Tom decided he couldn't put up with me either," said Willingham, who has feuded with Loeffel. In point of fact, Avery, a former nurse and close friend of the Willingham family, had been asked by Commmissioner Willingham's wife Marge to move in and keep a close eye on her convalescing husband, who, as Moss noted Monday, has a tendency to ignore constraints.
Willingham, a barbecue specialist known in recent years for his several restaurants (the most recent of which, at Perkins and American Way, is about to be sold), was an official of the department of Housing and Urban Development during the Nixon administration and has floated his own plan to convert The Pyramid into a casino operated by the Chickasaw Indian tribe. The Nashville Tennessean reported prominently on Willingham's plan in its Sunday edition.
And, for a while at least, suburban sprawl along Interstate 40 in northeastern Shelby County is slowed if not stopped.
That's it. No seminars, no proclamations, no conferences, no consultants. Just good old politics and inaction.
Contrary to a recent Commercial Appeal editorial, no action is always an option, maybe not the best option but not necessarily a bad one either.
One of the stranger notions of our time is the alleged "crisis" that is forcing Shelby County to build a new high school in Arlington, which the great majority of Shelby County residents could not find without a map. Arlington has become the focal point of the whole debate about how to fund public education and the cost of new schools in Memphis and Shelby County.
The Arlington Express looked like it was running out of steam this week. Mayor Willie Herenton showed no signs of budging from his insistence that the only real solution is to combine the two school systems, but no other mayor or elected body has seconded the motion. County mayor A C Wharton's counterproposal has been embraced mainly by the 30 percent of Shelby County residents who live outside the city of Memphis and are represented by an all-white school board.
Other alternatives to the current policy in which new school construction in the county triggers new school construction in the city also lack key support. This week the Shelby County Commission postponed a vote on the use of rural school bonds as a white Republican, Joyce Avery, joined a black Democrat, Julian Bolton, in voicing concern about that idea and the assumption that Arlington is more needy than, say, Millington.
"I really think we're at the end of the line," said commission chairman Walter Bailey, who doubts that rural school bonds have enough votes to pass.
As long as there are two systems, Bailey favors the current funding formula because he thinks it is fair to the city of Memphis. He worries that Herenton's challenge to the county to pay for its own schools without taxing Memphians could come back to haunt Memphis when its own schools need repairs.
"That's letting the camel get his nose inside the tent," he said.
Avery and Bolton's sudden alarm about Millington High School, which is part of the county system, is bad news for Arlington. As Bolton noted, Millington residents have been paying municipal and county property taxes for years and their old high school needs work.
Millington is the designated Needy Old School of the day, but a better choice would be Central High School, which has seen five generations of Memphians walk through its nearly 100-year-old halls with that unmistakable smell of Old Building. If more than 1,000students can go to the same school that Machine Gun Kelly attended and perform capably, even exceptionally, then what's the rush in Arlington?
Here are three things that haven't been done yet in Arlington:
The plain evidence suggests this is nonsense. Developers and builders say people are taking money out of the stock market and putting it in their homes instead.
"The question people ask is how much house can I afford," says suburban developer Jackie Welch.
The spread of new subdivisions in Shelby County shows strong demand, and rock-bottom mortgage loan interest rates of 6 percent offset the added cost of impact fees that would be passed on to buyers and rolled into the loan. Home loan demand is so strong that Wall Street Journal ran a story this week about truck drivers who are getting rich in their new careers as home mortgage brokers.
The bottom line is that new schools are magnets for growth or flight, whichever you want to call it. The crowded county school system is the product of an ad hoc "growth policy" that's let developers choose and sell sites to the school board in close proximity to their subdivisions and shopping centers for the last 15 years.
There has been no formal discussion of changing to a policy of "slow growth" or "no growth." It has just happened by gridlock and inaction. Underlying that inaction is the revolutionary notion that if the Shelby County Board of Education wants a new high school in the boondocks, then maybe it should A) look more like the rest of Shelby County and B) ask the direct beneficiaries to help pay for it.
Everybodys in the same boat. Were all in this together. That was Governor Phil Bredesens message in a conference call to members of the Tennessee news media Monday, as the 2003 National Governors Convention was coming to an end in Washington.
The everybody was not just the governors of these united -- and financially distressed -- states but their denizens as well. After Bredesen and his gubernatorial peers had finished a round of talks with various ranking federal officials -- including President Bush -- the bottom line was this: We got no encouragement on federal help to the states.
One of the consequences, said Bredesen, was that Tennessee had the company of 42 other states in having to cut back on optional programs and various forms of optional eligibility under Medicaid -- or, in Bredesens case, TennCare, under the terms of the federal waiver granted Tennessee. Bredesen is hoping to get that waiver revised so as to allow a variety of cutbacks. If the revision isnt permitted, it would lead to a disastrous situation, the governor said.
Under its current obligations, TennCare faces a $500 million shortfall, and even the states rainy-day fund, a last-ditch reserve, contains only about $178 million, Bredesen reminded his listeners. In what sounded like jab at his predecessor, former Governor Don Sundquist, Bredesen said the state might have had time to shift around somewhat if we (meaning they?)had started responding as soon as [the problem] was clear.
In any event, the problem is there. When I was sworn in, I didnt have the budget that [Governors] Sundquist and McWherter had. We were seven or eight million dollars out of balance.
As is well known, Bredesen is actively considering cutbacks or shifts in other previously protected areas besides TennCare. One such is in the matter of state-shared funds. Asked if withholding significant amounts of these would not force local governments to seeks property tax increases, Bredesen said, I dont believe thats the case. There arent very many places that could not find some way to save some of the money thats out there the way we have in state government.
Bredesen reminded his listeners that, not too long ago, he, too, had been in charge of a local government [as mayor of Nashville for two terms in the 90s], and I know what it feels like on the receiving end.
Which is to say, the governor, who has asked state agencies to make 7.5 percent cuts across the board, was preparing local governments for the same tough medicine.. He outlined the substantial cuts hed already begun in areas like health and human services, higher education, and nutrition programs -- Im asking everyone to pitch in a little bit as opposed to making Draconian cuts -- and suggested that local governments could make proportionate reductions of their own.
Other subjects were discussed during Bredesens businesslike chat with the media, but the bottom line of it all was obvious. Tennessees First Manager had said in effect that, not only were most of the 50 states in the same leaky boat, so shortly would the states local governments be.
The mistakes weve made in the past came when we put on rose-colored glasses, Bredesen said. Mayors, city managers, and county chief executives, please note: The governor wasnt passing out any on Monday.
[W]ere it not for the United States government the very societies that now take pride in themselves, who now protest against us, would not exist at all as free nations. They would be pounded under the regime of one similar to the aforementioned dictator of Iraq who flaunts his image as a warmonger most readily. What surprise that the world, now coming of age, should turn on the most beneficent entity of the twentieth century; the one who made attempts to stay out of wars and urged the powers of the world to simply let it be in the mix of their own war-time affairs; the one that was attacked in spite of its peaceful desires; the one who came into the aftermath to HELP REBUILD the very nations that stood against it and the very precepts it stood for.
Protest against authority is a way of life. In many circles I have heard George W. Bush called everything from a moron to a warmonger for his attitudes towards the government -- NOT the PEOPLE -- of Iraq. [W]e now have a "to each his own" society where apparently everything goes except justice against egomaniacal dictators, where we now have a world who will, in light of a Saddam Hussein, call into question, not the underhanded tactics of a proven "liar-liar (pants on fire)", but the actions of a nation to rid the world of such a ruler.
The efforts of the United States government to oust the Iraqi ruler [are] justified by his hesitant attitude to provide proof of the elimination of weapons KNOWN TO EXIST from our previous encounter in 1991. Now there is even more of what is widely known as PROOF that Saddam is indeed playing the innocence card despite the evidence to the contrary.
.Keith McPeak
Booneville, Mississippi
Arnold Weiner, a Republican political activist of sorts whose relentless self-absorption is such as to make Democratic state senator John Ford look self-effacing, has a grievance: It is that he did not receive "better press attention" recently when he was making election speeches to neighborhood Republican clubs in his effort to become the next chairman of the local GOP.
Weiner is anything but bashful -- often to his detriment, as when, shilling for his fledgling (and now defunct) probation agency a few years ago, he boasted in a solicitation letter which inevitably became public that he had the county's Republican judges in his pocket. Or so his words were interpreted. He was booted from the Shelby County Republican Party's steering committee as a consequence -- forced to leave by the then-chairman, lawyer David Kustoff, who happens to be Weiner's cousin.
Kustoff, who was in charge of the successful Bush presidential campaign in Tennessee in 2002 and ran a respectable race for Congress in the 7th District last year, is widely considered to be as deft as Weiner is, well, daffy, as able to take the long view as Weiner is typically fixated on himself, as unlike his cousin as is humanly possible -- so much so as to bemuse one concerning the vagaries of DNA.
Not surprisingly, Weiner and Kustoff are estranged. Weiner campaigned hard against his cousin some years back for a place on the GOP's state executive committee. He lost, but not before he had peppered the local landscape with campaign signs -- something wholly unprecedented in an intra-party race of that sort.
Weiner is not without other credentials -- some of them surprising. A longtime military reservist, he maintains a runner's physique and has surprised many a local fitness buff by showing up in the passing lane and moving briskly past during one of the several Memphis-area 5Ks held here annually. He and his wife, Scarlett, a nurse, are dedicated parents who are successfully raising their adopted son to apparent health and happiness.
On the record, Weiner can be said to possess numerous virtues, in fact. He is friendly enough, a hard worker on various party and community projects, and clearly without overtly malicious intent -- though try telling that to Joe Cooper, who remembers a speech Weiner made to the steering committee in 1995 that persuaded enough members to endorse another candidate in the city court clerk's race, keeping the hopes of that candidate (lawyer Mike Gatlin) alive and expanding the field just enough to keep Cooper a few votes shy of ultimate winner Thomas Long.
Which brings us to the reason why Weiner must imagine his chairmanship ambitions to have been unfairly thwarted. It is true that, at one or two of the several forums at which candidates for the chairmanship were invited to speak, Weiner exceeded expectations. His arguments for himself -- focusing mainly on his suggested standard of hard-line party purity for Republican candidates and cadres -- were made with surprising coherence and intensity.
But the phrase "exceeded expectations" is the rub. Weiner is near-legendary both among his fellow activists and, especially, in local newspaper circles for being something of a stalker -- insistently offering for publication an endless number of screeds on this or that subject, usually on some rarefied international matter on which, to put it gently, his take is not up to the level available from other, better informed and more skilled, writers. It is this reputation that may have kept his speeches at the recent forums from having the resonance he desired for them.
The real bottom line, of course, is this: Candidates for political office should not be dependent on the independent media for getting their messages across. Arguably, the most basic role of the media in political campaigns is to report the degree to which this or that candidate represents a body of supporters, and why. The American system of government is representative, and political reporting should reflect that fact.
From that point of view, both of Weiner's GOP chairmanship rivals are more deserving of notice. Contractor Jerry Cobb, a perennial aspirant for party office, has long held a reputation as a gadfly and reformer and has an identifiable and loyal corps of supporters. Relative newcomer Kemp Conrad, the current favorite, maintained enormous visibility during the past year, working with other party members on minority-outreach projects and to turn out supporters at the party caucuses last month that elected delegates to this Sunday's convention at White Station High School that will select the coming year's party chairman.
To his credit, Weiner has succeeded in attracting some energetic and capable backers -- notably, Bill Wood, increasingly prominent in party affairs, but not by the most generous reckoning does the body of his cadres approximate those of Conrad and Cobb. Now as ever, politics is about numbers, not about the quantity of ink or airtime one can cadge from a news source.
For the record, partisans of Cobb and Weiner have challenged the party credentials of 150 or so delegates pledged to Conrad, whom they concede to have done far better with the numbers on caucus night. An appeal was made to a party credentials committee Monday night, but the committee -- equally divided between establishment and nonestablishment types -- ruled unanimously against it. Another effort will be made at the state party level later on, Cobb indicated this week.
Meanwhile, win, lose, or draw on Sunday, Arnold Weiner has got some of his devoutly desired press attention this week.
Weiner is anything but bashful -- often to his detriment, as when, shilling for his fledgling (and now defunct) probation agency a few years ago, he boasted in a solicitation letter which inevitably became public that he had the countys Republican judges in his pocket. Or so his words were interpreted. He was booted from the Shelby County Republican Partys steering committee as a consequence -- forced to leave by the then chairman, lawyer David Kustoff, who happens to be Weiners cousin.
p>Kustoff, who was in charge of the successful Bush presidential campaign in Tennessee in 2002 and ran a respectable race for Congress in the 7th District last year, is widely considered to be as deft as Weiner is, well, daffy, as able to take the long view as Weiner is typically fixated on himself, as unlike his cousin as is humanly possible -- so much so as to bemuse one concerning the vagaries of DNA.Not surprisingly, Weiner and Kustoff are estranged. Weiner, who is not without a self-promoters high-octane get-go, campaigned hard against his cousin some years back for a place on the GOPs state executive committee. He lost, but not before he had peppered the local landscape with campaign signs -- something wholly unprecedented in an intra-party race of that sort.
Weiner is not without other credentials -- some of them surprising. A longtime military reservist, he maintains a runners physique and has surprised many a local fitness buff by showing up in the passing lane and moving briskly past during one of the several Memphis-area 5-Ks held here annually. He and his wife Scarlett, a nurse, are dedicated parents who are successfully raising their adopted son to apparent health and happiness.
On the record, Weiner can be said to possess numerous virtues, in fact. He is friendly enough, a hard worker on various party and community projects, and clearly without overtly malicious intent -- though try telling that to Joe Cooper, who remembers a speech Weiner made to the steering committee in 1995 that persuaded enough members to endorse another candidate in the city court clerks race that year, keeping the hopes of that candidate (lawyer Mike Gatlin) alive and expanding the field just enough to keep Cooper a few votes shy of ultimate winner Thomas Long.
Which brings us to the reason why Weiner must imagine his chairmanship ambitions to have been unfairly thwarted. It is true that, at one or two of the several forums at which candidates for the chairmanship were invited to speak, Weiner exceeded expectations. His arguments for himself -- focusing mainly on his suggested standard of hard-line party purity for Republican candidates and cadres -- were made with surprising coherence and intensity.
But the phrase exceeded expectations is the rub. Weiner is near-legendary both among his fellow activists and, especially, in local newspaper circles for being something of a stalker -- insistently offering for publication an endless number of screeds on this or that subject, usually on some rarefied international matter on which, to put it gently, his take is not up to the level available from other, better informed and more skilled, writers. It is this reputation that may have kept his speeches at the recent forums from having the resonance he desired for them.
The real bottom line, of course, is this: Candidates for political office, either exalted or petty, should not be dependent on the independent media for getting their messages across. Arguably, the most basic role of the media in political campaigns is to report the degree to which this or that candidate represents a body of supporters, and why.. The American system of government is representative, and political reporting should reflect that fact.
From that point of view, both of Weiners GOP chairmanship rivals are more deserving of notice. Contractor Jerry Cobb, a perennial aspirant for party office, has long held a reputation as a gadfly and reformer, and has an identifiable and loyal corps of supporters. Relative newcomer Kemp Conrad, the current favorite, maintained enormous visibility during the past year working with other party members on minority-outreach projects and labored hard to turn out supporters at the party caucuses last month that elected delegates to Sundays forthcoming convention at White Station High School that will select the coming years party chairman.
To his credit, Weiner has succeeded in attracting some energetic and capable backers -- notably Bill Wood, increasingly prominent in party affairs, but not by the most generous reckoning does the body of his cadres approximate those of Conrad and Cobb. Now as ever, politics is about numbers, not about the quantity of ink or air time one can cadge from a news source.
For the record, partisans of Cobb and Weiner have challenged the party credentials of 150 or so delegates pledged to Conrad, whom they concede to have done far better with the numbers on caucus night. An appeal was made to a party credentials committee Monday night, but the committee -- equally divided between establishment and non-establishment types -- ruled unanimously against it.
Another effort will be made at the state party level later on, Cobb indicated this week.
Meanwhile, win, lose, or draw on Sunday, Arnold Weiner has got some of his devoutly desired press attention this week.
Shelby County Commissioners Marilyn Loeffel and John Willingham were never exactly stablemates, but as fellow Republicans and as colleagues on the commission their relations were always considered satisfactory.
Until, that is, the events of last December when then commission administrator Calvin Williams became ensnared in a variety of charges, including conflict-of-interest issues and other matters, which would eventually lead to his resignation last month under pressure.
But the same pressure that brought Williams down would have serious consequences for some of the commissioners themselves -- notably Loeffel, whose initial vote not to fire the administrator (for reasons of Christian compassion, she said at the time) would bring retribution her way in the form of an ouster complaint.
That complaint -- brought by Dr. Howard Entman, a local physician -- is being weighed for possible action in the office of the Davidson County district attorney general's office, where it was referred by Shelby County District Attorney General Bill Gibbons, who recused himself. The complaint cites Loeffel's acknowledgment that Williams' solicitation of county business for his temporary-employment agency probably violated the letter of the Shelby County charter.
Loeffel has since been vexed by published articles and accusations suggesting that for years she high-pressured then Shelby County mayor Jim Rout and then county corrections director, now sheriff, Mark Luttrell, to get employment, a series of salary increases, and favorable working conditions for her husband Mark Loeffel.
(Luttrell, while attending the local Republicans' annual Lincoln Day Dinner on Sunday, confided that he thought the Loeffels had been "ingrates" about such concessions -- admittedly fewer and more limited than were asked -- that were extended to Mark Loeffel.
Through it all, the Entman complaint has continued to rankle Loeffel. And at some point she began to blame Willingham, an acquaintance of Entman's, with instigating it. Willingham says there was no justice to the accusation. ("Everybody knows nobody else can tell Howard what to do," he says.) Loeffel continues to hold her colleague responsible: "[Commission] staff members have told me he bragged to them that his fingerprints were all over that complaint."
There followed an incident in which Willingham, responding to what he saw as overt hostility on Loeffel's part, put his hands on her shoulders -- in a caring, avuncular manner, as he describes it -- and asked her what was wrong. Loeffel, who remembers the incident as one in which Willingham "got in my face," told him to take his hands off. Both principals agree that she then said, "Don't you ever touch me again!"
Willingham, now recovering from emergency surgery for a heart condition he believes was brought on by stress, says he was subsequently told that Loeffel had threatened to file a sexual-harassment complaint against him. At least one other commissioner reports hearing that Loeffel nursed such an intention. She adamantly denies it, and a check with the county attorney's office and the county Equal Opportunity Office failed to turn up evidence of any such complaint.
Both Loeffel and Willingham agree, however, that her get-well card, sent to Willingham's residence during his recent convalescence, was returned to her unopened. "I was attempting to return a blessing for his insults," she maintains. Willingham says that Loeffel has attempted to portray him in a false light and that he saw the gesture as a form of hypocrisy similar to Loeffel's invoking Christianity as a reason for her vote on Williams' behalf.
Loeffel says she was merely being faithful to the dictates of her religion in voting, at the commission's pre-Christmas session, to give Williams a "second chance." She recalls, "I said at the time that one act of mercy was called for but that mercy would run out of there were other incidents [involving Williams]." (Amid a welter of accumulating questions about Williams' conduct, the commission was prepared to vote with virtual unanimity against retaining him in January, a fact which prompted his pre-emptive resignation.)
Loeffel blames political considerations for the complaint against her. "Why weren't the other six targeted?" she says, alluding to the fact that at the December meeting there were seven votes in all to refrain from purgative action against Williams. She says that prior attempts were made by various individuals -- amounting to a form of "blackmail" -- aimed at discouraging her vote.
Over the last several weeks, various Republicans -- from the rank-and-file level on up -- have wondered out loud if Loeffel, who often votes with current commission chairman Walter Bailey, a Democrat, and, as chairman pro tem, is in line to succeed him, hasn't become too cozy with the body's six Democrats.
"My Republican record is impeccable, but I vote my convictions," Loeffel maintains.
Ironically, both Loeffel and Willingham have found themselves often parting company with their Republican colleagues on a variety of matters, mainly fiscal in nature. Loeffel said she recently voted to reconsider an expenditure on renovations to the commission offices "at the request of a colleague," while Willingham parted company with the GOP majority on the matter of taxpayer-funded laptops.
During a debate on the matter, Willingham leaned over and asked Julian Bolton, a Democrat, "Don't those characters realize the election is over?" as Republicans David Lillard, Joyce Avery, and Bruce Thompson, over on the other side of commission's semicircular table, were making the case against the expenditure.
You know a piece of property is doomed when people start talking about turning it into a prison. That's one of developer Jackie Welch's ideas for the Mall of Memphis. Welch has no financial interest in the property, and his suggestion came in the midst of some wide ranging musings about the general state of Memphis and Shelby County. But the owner of Welch Realty does know a little about real estate and Memphis demographics, having sold businesses and building sites along Highway 51 in Whitehaven, Winchester in Hickory Hill, and Germantown Road in Cordova as the fortunes of those areas rose and/or fell. The sprawling Mall of Memphis on the south leg of Interstate 240 has lost its anchors and scores of other tenants as retailers and customers moved east, first to Hickory Ridge Mall and then to Wolfchase Galleria. The Raleigh Springs Mall appears headed for a similar fate. Last week, Dillard's announced that it will join Goldsmith's and J C Penney in leaving the 32-year-old mall. Customers and retailers have moved south and east to DeSoto County and the Wolfchase Galleria. Attempting to recapture some of that via annexation, Memphis has stretched its boundaries out Highway 64 nearly to Fayette County. Our disposable city encompasses more than 300 square miles. For now, the most seriously sick patient is the Mall of Memphis, whose vast empty parking lots along Nonconnah Creek are in plain view of thousands of motorists passing through Memphis every day. "They ought to turn those old department stores into schools and save some money," Welch said, noting the general sense of alarm about county debt tied to new school construction. "Or they could put in a minimum-security prison." No cracks, please, about them being one and the same. These suggestions are likely to get about as far as Welch's earlier proposal to sell off a strip of Shelby Farms along Germantown Road or former Shelby County mayor Jim Rout's joking observation that Midtown's old Sears Building would make a swell prison. But the two malls on life supportmay well join the Sears Building on the perennially vacant list if somebody doesn't come up with a better idea than the Community Redevelopment Act subsidies that were proposed and then aborted by the city a few years ago. Welch, who sold nine school sites serving his subdivisions to the county board of education, said he's out of the school business and focusing on a new bank he has started called First Souce which will open in April in Germantown. "We're not going to be the leaders in the residential market for the next few years like we were for the last 10 years," he said.
Shelby County Commissioners Marilyn Loeffel, a second-termer, and John Willingham, a first-termer, were never exactly stablemates, but as fellow Republicans and as colleagues on the commission their relations were always considered satisfactory.
Until, that is, the events of last December when then commission administrator Calvin Williams became ensnared in a variety of charges, including conflict-of-interest issues and other matters, that would eventually lead to his resignation last month under pressure.
But the same pressure that brought Williams down would have serious consequences for some of the commissioners themselves -- notably Loeffel, whose initial vote not to fire the administrator (for reasons of Christian compassion, she said at the time) would bring retribution her way in the form of an ouster complaint.
That complaint -- brought by Dr. Howard Entman, a local physician -- is being weighed for possible action in the office of the Davidson County District Attorney Generals office, where it was referred by Shelby County District Attorney General Bill Gibbons, who recused himself. The complaint cites Loeffels acknowledgement that Williams solicitation of county business for his temporary-employment agency probably violated the letter of the Shelby County charter.
Loeffel has since been vexed by published articles and accusations suggesting that for years she high-pressured then Shelby County Mayor Jim Rout and then county corrections director, now Sheriff, Mark Luttrell, to get employment, a series of salary increases, and favorable working conditions for her husband Mark Loeffel.
(Luttrell, while attending the local Republicans annual Lincoln Day Dinner on Sunday, confided that he thought the Loeffels had been ingrates about such concessions, admittedly fewer and more limited than were asked, that in the end were extended to Mark Loeffel.)
Through it all, the Entman complaint has continued to rankle Loeffel. And at some point she began to blame Willingham, an acquaintance of Entmans, with instigating it. That much both Loeffel and Willingham agree on, but, while Willingham says there was no justice to the accusation (Everybody knows nobody else can tell Howard what to do, he says), Loeffel continues to hold her colleague responsible ([Commission] staff members have told me he bragged to them that his fingerprints were all over that complaint).
There followed an incident in which Willingham, responding to what he saw as overt hostility on Loeffels part, put his hands on her shoulders -- in a caring, avuncular manner, as he describes it -- and asked her what was wrong. Loeffel, who remembers the incident as one in which Willingham got in my face, told him to take his hands off. Both principals agree that she then said, Dont you ever touch me again!
Willingham, now recovering from emergency surgery for a heart condition he believes was brought on by stress, says he was subsequently told that Loeffel had threatened to file a sexual harassment complaint against him. At least one other commissioner reports hearing that Loeffel nursed such an intention. She adamantly denies it, and a check with the county attorneys office and the county Equal Opportunity Office failed to turn up evidence of any such complaint.
Both Loeffel and Willingham agree, however, that her get-well card, sent to Willinghams residence during his recent convalescence, was returned to her unopened. I was attempting to return a blessing for his insults, she maintains. Willingham says that Loeffel has attempted to portray him in a false light and that he saw the gesture as a form of hypocrisy similar to Loeffels invoking Christianity as a reason for her vote on Williams behalf.
Loeffel says she was merely being faithful to the dictates of her religion in voting, at the commissions pre-Christmas session, to give Williams a second chance. She recalls, I said at the time that one act of mercy was called for but that mercy would run out of there were other incidents [involving Williams]. (Amid a welter of accumulating questions about Williams conduct, the commission was prepared to vote with virtual unanimity against retaining him in January, a fact which prompted his pre-emptive resignation.)
Loeffel blames political considerations for the complaint against her. Why werent the other six targeted? she says, alluding to the fact that at the December meeting there were seven votes in all to refrain from purgative action against Williams. She says that prior attempts were made by various individuals -- amounting to a form of blackmail -- aimed at discouraging her vote.
Over the last several weeks, various Republicans -- from the rank-and-file level on up -- have wondered out loud if Loeffel, who often votes with current commission chairman Walter Bailey, a Democrat, and, as chairman pro tem, is in line to succeed him, hasnt become too cozy with the bodys six Democrats.
My Republican record is impeccable, but I vote my convictions, Loeffel maintains.
Ironically, both Loeffel and Willingham have found themselves often parting company with their Republican colleagues on a variety of matters, mainly fiscal in nature. Loeffel said she recently voted to reconsider an expenditure on renovations to to the commission offices at the request of a colleague, while Willingham parted company with the GOP majority on the matter of taxpayer-funded laptops.
During a debate on the matter, Willingham leaned over and asked Democratic colleague Julian Bolton, Dont those characters realize the election is over? as Republicans David Lillard, Joyce Avery, and Bruce Thompson, over on the other side of commissions semi-circular table, were making the case against the expenditure.